CAIRO - Nobel prize-winning Egyptian novelist Naguib Mahfouz, in one of his mature works, "The Beggar," depicts a radical change in the life of a lawyer. Omar, the lawyer, leads a successful and steady yet rather dull existence with his wife and two daughters. All of a sudden he decides to open himself up to new experiences by womanizing and then drifting into a life of seclusion. "The Beggar" is considered a political novel, telling of intellectual disappointment experienced by many in Egypt after the 1952 revolution.
After a short visit to Cairo I have the feeling that the country is in the grip yet again of a turmoil which could easily lead to a new chapter in the lives of intellectuals who are bored to death with what they have. A new slogan found its voice first in the streets of Beirut and seems to have reached its climax in Cairo: "Kifayah." Kifayah is the Arabic word for "enough." The way in which a simple word can attract thousands of well-educated men and women from different walks of life and inclinations, and make them members of a loosely defined political movement, is a phenomenon which is not easy to comprehend.
Of course it''s too early to claim that Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak will give up his post as his opposition may manage to end his seemingly everlasting rule. Mubarak has been in power for the last 24 years, and he is once more a candidate for a fifth six-year-term. The presidential election due in September has created an atmosphere of democratic wrangling in Egypt for the first time in many years. External pressures as well as internal demands have forced Mubarak to accept a contest in the quest for the presidency. Until now the presidential elections have been a one-man show, a kind of referendum, with the electorate casting their votes for a sole candidate, Mubarak himself.
While in Cairo, my confidence in politicians'' cunning has been proven well founded once more with the latest news. Mubarak urged his followers in the Parliament to amend the rule for the presidential election in such a way that anybody who is eager to compete has to collect at least 65 signatures from the deputies. This "new rule" is supposedly there to open the way for rivals to contest Mubarak, but it is practically closing doors to any hopefuls since it is impossible to gather that many signatures from a Parliament which is full to the brim with Mubarak''s supporters.
The real opposition to Mubarak''s rule is the Muslim Brotherhood, which has been outlawed by the state but is still refusing to either disappear or go underground. The brothers have resumed their activities recently, demonstrating almost daily in and outside mosques, claiming the right to be officially recognized as a political party. Last week witnessed huge public demonstrations in Cairo as well as in other big cities of Egypt, where security forces rounded up at least 1,500 demonstrators in one day alone. The very day I set foot in Egypt, during the second round of demonstrations, more than 200 people from the Brotherhood were apprehended by the police.
Observers awaiting drastic changes in the Islamic world put their trust in the different countries of the region, but almost none expect a dramatic upturn in Egypt. They have every right to be circumspect about Egypt since it has a tradition of being governed by strong rulers, and the public has a tendency to go along with whoever''s in power. As in the case of Omar, Naguib Mahfouz''s perplexed "hero" in "The Beggar," intellectuals who have become frustrated with their own failures in changing the society in which they live, have eventually started to change their own lifestyles to the detriment of themselves.
Egypt is the most important country in the Arab world not only because of the hugeness of its population or the vast territory it occupies, but also with its tremendous intellectual capacity to ignite meaningful debates. Even a chance sitting in Cairo coffeehouses can create a lively discussion over the compatibility of Islam with democracy and the relevance of the Turkish experiment of the Justice and Development (AK) Party to other countries in the region. In Fishawi, the oldest and most well-known coffeehouse in Khan Khalili in the middle of Cairo, I happened to learn that a splinter group from the Brotherhood is seeking an opportunity to establish a new political movement. Their acquired name for the new movement is the Justice and Development Party, with the possible addition of the word "Reform" ("Eslah" in Arabic) in front.
During a live television show originating in Cairo I had the opportunity to enquire why Arab intellectuals have a tendency reject the notion that Turkey, with its democratic setup, can be an "example" for the whole region. None rejected the necessity of democracy in a Muslim country, but all opposed the "secular" identity of the Turkish state. An Egyptian professor of Turkish history, venerable in academic circles, stated very clearly that the Turkish experiment is unique and is not importable by any Islamic society. His steadfast rejection of Turkey''s claim to be an example for the region didn''t stem from the envy that most Egyptians feel towards their old rulers, but was a result of deep soul-searching.
So a short trip to Cairo turned out to be an eye-opener in many ways. The intellectuals with whom I have had the opportunity to discuss these matters, either on TV or in coffeehouses, don''t believe that Turkey will be accepted by the European Union. They are Euroskeptics in their own right for almost all raised the issue of the futility Turkey faces in its race to accession. One even went so far as to ask the question: "Even if you are accepted, is it logical for you to be the last in line of so many EU countries, whereas you may lead some other countries if you just stay out of it?"
His reasoning reminded me of the closing lines from "The Beggar," in which Mahfouz puts the same question in the mouth of his frustrated hero Omar: "If you really wanted me, why do you desert me?"
From The New Anatolian, May 10, 2005
